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آیا پوتین میتواند ازترمپ درمورد خاتمه جنگ با ایران چیزی بیاموزد وچنگ دریوکراین را خاتمه دهد؟

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  آنچه توافق ایران می‌تواند و نمی‌تواند به پوتین درباره پایان دادن به جنگ اوکراین بیاموزد آنچه برای متوقف کردن یک جنگ لازم است؛ حتی زمانی که توقف آن شبیه شکست به نظر می‌رسد وهاب رئوفی ۲۱ جون ۲۰۲۶ جنگ ایران آن‌گونه که هیچ‌کس وعده داده بود پایان نیافت. نه با تسلیم شدن ایران ـ دست‌کم ـ و نه با یک پیروزی روشن و بی‌چون‌وچرای آمریکا. این جنگ با یک تفاهم‌نامه پایان یافت: توقف ۶۰ روزهٔ خصومت‌ها، بازگشایی تنگهٔ هرمز، کاهش تحریم‌ها و وعدهٔ ایجاد صندوق بازسازی ۳۰۰ میلیارد دالری برای همان حکومتی که ایالات متحده و اسرائیل ماه‌ها آن را بمباران کرده بودند. تقریباً هیچ‌کس این توافق را یک پیروزی نمی‌نامد. هیئت تحریریهٔ وال‌استریت ژورنال، که از جنگ حمایت کرده بود، این توافق را عقب‌نشینی توصیف کرد و هشدار داد که ممکن است به کمک مالی اقتصادی برای تهران تبدیل شود. هیئت تحریریهٔ نیویورک تایمز حتی صریح‌تر بود و آن را نوعی شکست دانست. اریک اریکسون، مفسر محافظه‌کار، آشکارا گفت که ترامپ در برابر ایران تسلیم شده است. سناتور تد کروز هشدار داد که سپردن میلیاردها دالر به «دیوانگان تئوکراتیکی که می‌خواهند ما را ...
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  What the Iran Deal Could and Coudn't Teahh Purin About Ending the War in Ukrain? What it takes to stop a war, even when stopping looks like losing wahab raofi Jun 21, 2026 What the Iran Deal Could — and Couldn’t — Teach Putin About Ending a War The war in Iran did not end the way anyone advertised it would. Not with surrender — Iran’s, anyway — and not with a clean American victory. It ended with a memorandum of understanding: a 60-day cessation of hostilities, a reopened Strait of Hormuz, sanctions relief, and a promised $300 billion reconstruction fund for the very regime the United States and Israel had spent months bombing. Almost no one is calling it a triumph. The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board, which had backed the war, described the agreement as a retreat and warned it could turn into an economic bailout for Tehran. The New York Times editorial board was blunter still, framing it as a defeat. Conservative commentator Erick Erickson said flatly that Trump had surren...
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Two Mosques, One God

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I have stood inside both of these mosques, in two different countries, separated by an ocean and by what feels like a thousand years of the same religion. --- In the first, the call to prayer doesn't come from a minaret. There isn't one. The building is modest — about five hundred square feet — and at the entrance sits a security guard, a young man in his early thirties, who nods you through. To the left is a sizable coffee shop, large enough to hold a hundred people. Young men and women sit hunched over laptops, headphones in, phones glowing beside their cups. Some talk quietly with friends, coffee cooling at their elbows. Light music drifts out of speakers mounted somewhere near the ceiling. When the call to prayer sounds — broadcast, not chanted from a tower — a few people rise and leave. Most don't look up from their screens. To the right, a hallway leads to the mosque itself, where on Fridays the room fills: the old, the young, the in-between. Prayer begins at one...
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The Islamic Republic Survived American Bombs. Will It Survive Its Own People?

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  What the Soviet collapse teaches us about Iran's fragile future? Tehran and Washington have reached a truce, but a narrow one. The latest memorandum extends the ceasefire, reopens the Strait of Hormuz, and lifts the U.S. naval blockade, leaving harder questions—especially Iran's enriched uranium stockpile—for later talks. Yet even this limited deal has done something no airstrike managed: it forced into the open a fight the war had temporarily submerged. Hardliners loyal to new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei see any accommodation with Washington as betrayal. Pragmatists around President Masoud Pezeshkian see the same agreement as a lifeline for a population exhausted by war economics. That argument, however, may obscure a larger question: even if the Islamic Republic has outlasted American and Israeli bombs, can it outlast the discontent of its own people? A Crisis of Legitimacy Political systems run on consent as much as coercion, and in Iran consent has been eroding for a ...
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I Love Afghanistan

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  I Love Afghanistan In a quiet suburb of Mission Viejo, California, stood a comfortable single-family home. It belonged to an Afghan-born American named Khwaja Sediq Sangarmal and his second wife, Amina. He had left Afghanistan in the early 1990s, not long after the government he had served collapsed and the men who replaced it began asking inconvenient questions about people like him. For nearly three decades he had worked as an insurance salesman. Now retired, he spent his days collecting Social Security checks, exercising at the gym, and commenting passionately on Afghan politics from ten thousand miles away. From his bedroom window, which overlooked a swimming pool and several shade trees he had planted years earlier, he glanced at his watch. It was 9:00 a.m. Time for the gym. Standing before the mirror, he carefully shaved his white beard and examined the wrinkles gathering around his eyes. In the kitchen, Amina was preparing breakfast. He loved paratha fried in ses...
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هرات: ازگوهرشاد بیکم تا طالب

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  وقایع ناگوار هرات، جایی که طالبان با زنان غیرمسلح تنها به جرم درخواست حقوق اساسی و انسانی‌شان با خشونت برخورد کردند، بار دیگر چهره واقعی این گروه را آشکار ساخت. این برخورد بی‌رحمانه و غیرانسانی این پرسش را به ذهن متبادر می‌کند که چگونه گروهی که مدعی شکست دادن یک ابرقدرت مانند آمریکا است، از اعتراضات مسالمت‌آمیز چند زن چنین هراس دارد؟ به باور من، این رفتار بیش از آنکه نشانه قدرت باشد، بیانگر ترس و بیم نهفته‌ای است که در درون این گروه وجود دارد. طالبان شاید در ظاهر قدرتمند به نظر برسند، اما در باطن همچون «ببر کاغذی» از آسیب‌پذیری خود آگاه‌اند و از هر صدای مخالف بیم دارند . هرات روزگاری در دوران گوهرشاد بیگم یکی از درخشان‌ترین مراکز علم، فرهنگ، هنر و معماری جهان اسلام بود. او نقشی اساسی در شکوفایی هرات در عصر تیموریان داشت؛ دوره‌ای که بسیاری آن را «عصر طلایی هرات» می‌نامند. اما امروز همان هرات، زیر حاکمیت طالبان، به شهری خاموش و افسرده بدل شده است . این وضعیت مرا به یاد بیت مشهور می‌اندازد دوشم گذر افتاد به ویرانهٔ طوس دیدم که جغدی نشسته جای طاووس گفتم که تورا چی خبراست ...
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Afghanistan's Political Crisis Can Be solved in 24 Hours

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  Afghanistan's Political Crisis Can Be Solved in 24 Hours By Wahab Raofi Everyone agrees: Afghanistan is a failed state. The problems are too complex — social sclerosis, economic collapse, foreign interference, ethnic rivalries. No magic wand can unravel it. That's the consensus, shared by Afghans themselves and the international community. I disagree — partially. Afghanistan's economic ruin, its infrastructure deficit, its decades of trauma: none of that resolves quickly. But the political crisis at the heart of it all? That can be decided in 24 hours. Not by magic. By a single decision. The Root Is Not Mystery — It's Monopoly For much of modern Afghan history, political power has been concentrated among southern Durrani Pashtun elites. Yet under King Zaher Shah — a Durrani himself — cabinet positions were shared among Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras. During the Karzai era, many Afghans believed the days of ethnic monopoly were over. Then came the Soviet occupation. That ...
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