To Solve Afghan–Pakistan Conflict, Kabul’s Regime Must Change
To Solve
Afghan–Pakistan Conflict, Kabul’s Regime Must Change
The
conflict between the Taliban and Pakistan will keep escalating if the Taliban
remains in power. Only a democratically elected government in Kabul can lead to
peace.
By
Wahab Raofi
The
conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan is not new. The two neighbors have
long viewed each other through a distorted lens, projecting historical fears
and grievances that obscure reality.
This has led
to a damaging state of mutual suspicion, deepened by decades of each harboring
the other's opponents. Pakistan's security establishment, seeking “strategic
depth” against India, provided crucial sanctuary and support to the Afghan
Taliban for years.
This
policy fostered deep resentment among many Afghans who blame Pakistan for the
destruction of their state and society and view the Taliban's rise as a direct
result of foreign interference. Now the tables have turned, with Afghanistan
harboring Pakistan's militant opponents. Frequent flare-ups — from cross-border
clashes to strikes on Kabul — demonstrate how easily these historical wounds
can be reopened.
Since the
Taliban takeover, relations between Taliban and Pakistan, once in alliance, have sharply deteriorated. Both sides have
accused the other of cross-border shelling and shootings. Diplomatic
interventions — including last weekend’s talks in Saudi Arabia, reported by Reuters
as part of a series mediated by regional powers — have yet to cool the crisis
that erupted after October bombing of Kabul,
and ensuing violent border clashes show the fragility of the situation. A true
resolution, however, remains unlikely under Taliban rule, as the deadlock is
driven by three persistent geopolitical disputes.
One major
issue between the neighboring country is rising militancy in Pakistan's
mountainous borderlands, where the Tahrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has ramped
up attacks in the years since the Taliban took over. The TTP and the Afghan
Taliban are in many ways two sides of the same coin. Their relationships — reinforced
by “intermarriage,” shared language and overlapping tribal networks — are not
easily broken.
They are
also driven by a shared ideological commitment to imposing Taliban-style
Islamic order. This bond was
fundamentally sealed during the insurgency against the U.S. and the former
Afghan Republic, a war in which Pakistan's provision of sanctuary and support
to the Afghan Taliban was a decisive factor. For the Taliban, reciprocating
that support for the TTP is now a matter of ideological solidarity, and in
their view, repaying a debt. For many Afghans, it is the bitter irony of seeing
Pakistan suffer from the very dynamic it helped create.
The second factor is India’s growing engagement with the Taliban. India
has long viewed Afghanistan strategically, as they seek a friendly government
in Kabul. It has invested in infrastructure and social projects — such as
building roads and schools — to gain goodwill.
This outreach worries Pakistan, which perceives India's growing influence
as an attempt to marginalize Pakistan in the region. The rift deepened further
when, in October, the Taliban’s foreign minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi, visited
India — a move that sparked widespread outrage in Pakistan.
According to a
survey conducted by Gallup & Gilani Pakistan, 51 percent of Pakistanis
aware of the Pakistan Afghanistan border dispute say they object to the recent
visit of the Taliban’s Foreign Minister to India and to the Afghan Taliban
establishing closer ties with the Indian government. Meanwhile, 32 percent say
they have no objection, while 16 percent express no opinion.
Yet the
conflict persists — now intensified by the Taliban regime’s growing alignment
with India. Pakistan doesn’t want to
find itself strategically sandwiched between two hostile states —India to the
east and Afghanistan to the West.
The third contentious issue is the Durand Line, drawn
by the British and Amir Abdur Rahman Khan back in 1893, which divided the
Pashtun population between the two sides of the border. Successive Afghan
governments have never formally recognized this boundary, and the dispute
remains unresolved. Yet Pashtuns living on the Pakistani side show no
indication of breaking away from Pakistan to join Afghanistan.
Afghan rulers, however, often refuse to officially endorse the border for
domestic political consumption, even though in practice they have not seriously
raised the issue with Pakistan and have treated it as a de facto agreement.
Ordinary
Afghans widely perceive Pakistan's border closure and its use of refugees as a
political tool and a form of collective punishment, further eroding Islamabad's
goodwill. These sentiments are compounded by Afghanistan's harboring of the
Pakistani-designated terrorist group TTP and its close ties with India, which
Pakistan sees as inflaming the conflict.
Pakistani
airstrikes causing civilian casualties reinforce the Afghan view of collective
punishment, leading many to hold Pakistan responsible for the escalation and to
demand an immediate end to such operations.
Peace
between Afghanistan and Pakistan requires a fundamental political shift in
Kabul — one that replaces the Taliban’s unilateral rule with a legitimate,
representative government. The framework for such a transition already exists
in the Doha Agreement, which calls for an intra-Afghan dialogue aimed at
forming a broad-based, inclusive political settlement. The ultimate objective
is a democratic government grounded in international law and committed to
resolving disputes through negotiation, rather than coercion.
The
Taliban’s support for the TTP constitutes a clear violation of the Doha
Agreement, under which they pledged not to allow Afghan soil to be used to
launch terrorist attacks against others. Yet this promise appears to exist only
on paper.
The United
States and other signatories must ensure that the Taliban are held accountable
to their Doha obligations. Until meaningful political change occurs, genuine
stability between Afghanistan and Pakistan will remain out of reach — a goal that
neither nation can realistically expect to achieve.
Lasting
peace is only possible under a democratically elected government in Kabul — one
that negotiates rather than dictates, respects international agreements, and
represents all Afghan voices.
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